The Origin of Hatred

Dr. William A. Twayigize

DR. WILLIAM

THE ORIGIN OF THE HATRED

Anyone who hates his brother is a murderer, and you know that no murderer has eternal life in him” (1 John 3:15 NIV).

This section delves into the origins of the deep-seated animosity among Rwandans, particularly between the Tutsis and the other two ethnic groups, Hutus and Twas. It explores how Rwandans themselves perceive this issue and how various foreigners have interpreted and adapted these ethnic tensions to suit their own narratives. While there is undeniable hatred among Rwandans, I personally contend that the differences between them do not warrant such animosity. As a victim of this hatred, I believe that the devil often exploits fertile ground to sow discord. In the case of Rwanda, the church has the potential to play a pivotal role in resolving these conflicts. Unfortunately, both historically and presently, the church has been entangled in Rwandan politics, diminishing its capacity to be a beacon of light in these tumultuous times.

The assertion that all Tutsis are inherently tall, all Hutus are of medium height, and all Twas are the shortest is a gross misrepresentation perpetuated by Western media and false narratives that have been widely disseminated. Such physical stereotypes have been instrumental in spreading a flawed perception of the three ethnic groups in Rwanda. It is important to debunk these misconceptions, as the claim that Tutsis are universally the tallest people in Rwanda is simply untrue. In reality, there are many Hutus who are just as tall, and conversely, there are Tutsis who are shorter than some Twas. These physical characteristics were fabricated by those who propagated the notion that Tutsis were akin to black Europeans, a belief that has persistently justified the subjugation of their Hutu counterparts. Unfortunately, this narrative continues to influence contemporary perspectives, enabling leaders like Kagame to establish a Rwandan system reminiscent of South African apartheid, granting unchecked authority to suppress and even massacre Rwandans at will. It is essential to challenge such unfounded stereotypes and narratives to foster a more accurate and equitable understanding of Rwanda’s diverse population.

The Origin of Hutu-Tutsi Conflict

The Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Rwanda is largely attributed to external influences that have artificially divided the population into Hutus, Tutsis, and Twas based on minor physical distinctions. Despite these divisions, there are no significant biological or cultural differences among them as they are all African. Labeling one group as superior due to factors like cattle ownership is baseless, as other Bantu communities with cattle do not hold such beliefs. Outsiders find it challenging to distinguish between Hutus and Tutsis without prior knowledge, emphasizing their shared heritage and close resemblance. Unfortunately, this division often surfaces when it comes to power and greed, leading to tragic consequences. This situation aligns with the biblical teaching in 1 John 3:15, which equates hatred towards one’s brother with murder and implies the absence of eternal life for such individuals.

In the early 1100s and 1300 AD, Rwanda underwent a profound transformation, evolving into a shared homeland that brought together three distinct communities, subsequently becoming deeply interconnected in social, economic, and political dimensions. These communities included the Hutus and Twa people, originating from the western and central African regions, and later the Tutsis from the East Horn of Africa. This historical convergence established the backdrop for the tensions that would later surface between the Hutus and Tutsis. Often overshadowed and occasionally unfairly associated with their Hutu compatriots, the lesser-known Twa people played a significant and intricate role in this multifaceted narrative, despite representing only 1% of all Rwandans, in contrast to the Hutus, who make up over 85% of the population, and the Tutsis, who account for approximately 14% (Cook, 1969).

The Twa people are believed to be the earliest inhabitants of Rwanda, arriving around 500 AD as skilled hunter-gatherers. Subsequently, the Hutus arrived around 1000 AD, primarily farmers who were drawn to the fertile highlands of Rwanda. In contrast, the Twas thrived as adept hunter-gatherers in the equatorial forests that linked Rwanda to the Congo Ituri forest and the Tanzanian Akagera forest, rich in hunting grounds, fruits, and honey. The arrival of the Hutus marked the commencement of land clearing for farming, a practice previously foreign to the highlands of Rwanda. Remarkably, this transformation occurred with the consent of the Twa people, with Hutus paying a nominal tribute upon harvesting to ensure peaceful coexistence—an arrangement rooted in the African Ubuntu Philosophy, emphasizing ‘being self through others’ (Reyntjens, 1987; Newbury, 1998; Lewis, 2006; Mabovula, 2011). These two tribes eventually developed a unique indigenous Bantu language known as “Kihutu,” which later evolved into the Kinyarwanda language spoken today.

With prosperity flourishing in the Rwandan highlands after bountiful harvests, the Hutus established a governance system marked by the organization into statelets, each presided over by a dominant clan. Over time, these clans evolved into dynasties, led by chiefs or kings known as “Abahinza” (Hutu kings) in plural and “Umuhinza” in singular (Sebasoni, 2000; Sebahutu, 2022). A distinctive feature of this governance system was the joint rule of these Abahinza alongside their mothers, a tradition designed to ensure that the voices of women were heard during their reigns. Traditionally, Umuhinza didn’t simply ascend to the throne; they were believed to possess extraordinary powers that enabled them to perform specific rituals, particularly those related to ensuring the prosperity of their agrarian society. Umuhinza played the role of a rainmaker and religious priest among the Hutu clans, and they were also thought to have the ability to protect crops from pests and livestock from diseases. It was within these roles that the Abahinza derived their power and status, as they were seen as intermediaries who could connect their people to the divine, particularly in their supplications for rain during the dry season.

Subsequently, the Tutsis, pastoralists in search of suitable grazing land for their livestock, arrived in the western Uganda highlands near Rwanda. While some groups of Tutsis chose to settle in the Ankole and Ruciga highlands, others continued their journey to the northeastern regions of Rwanda. The Tutsis’ origins can be traced to the horn of Africa, and it is widely believed that their migration was prompted by the harsh environmental conditions, particularly the severe droughts that plagued East Africa around 1000 AD, as documented by Linden and Linden in 1977 (Linden, 1977; Hemp, 2005; Odada, Junginger & Strecker, et al., 2013; Des Forges, 2011).

In this captivating image, we witness a group of skilled Twa women gracefully transporting their expertly crafted pottery, intended for sale. Traditionally, the Twa community has been celebrated for their exceptional pottery craftsmanship, while blacksmithing has been a distinct specialization of the Hutu population. What’s particularly noteworthy is that despite these women being of average stature and belonging to the Twa ethnic group, it is imperative to dispel the prevailing stereotypes about Rwanda’s diverse people, which simplistically categorize them based solely on physical attributes, claiming that only Hutus have average height, Tutsis are uniformly the tallest, and Twas are the shortest. This image serves as a poignant reminder that such one-size-fits-all generalizations fail to capture the true essence of Rwanda’s ethnic mosaic. The Banyarwanda, as a collective, trace their origins to a rich tapestry of individuals who settled in the region through a series of migrations. The earliest inhabitants of the African Great Lakes area were a small group of hunter-gatherers who thrived during the late Stone Age, followed by a larger population of early Iron Age settlers who excelled in crafting dimpled pottery and using iron tools. Some theories even propose that these early settlers may have been the forebears of the Twa, a group of indigenous pygmy hunter-gatherers found throughout East and Central Africa, known by various ethnic and tribal names. It’s essential to recognize that the Tutsis from northern Rwanda exhibit physical distinctions from the Twas in southern Rwanda, which challenges the oversimplified categorizations often imposed by Western researchers, highlighting the complexities of Rwanda’s diverse population.

This photo reveals a concerning reality in Rwanda’s major churches, including the Catholic Church, the Anglican Church, the Seventh-day Adventist Church, televangelical denominations like Zion, and even the Muslim community, where Tutsi clergymen hold exclusive leadership positions. This stands in stark contrast to the fact that Hutus constitute over 80% of the country’s believers and are among the most educated in Rwanda. The continued exclusion of Hutus from religious leadership roles reflects a troubling legacy, possibly stemming from the Gakurazo Massacre, where many Hutu clergies were killed by the RPF under General Kagame’s directives. This exclusionary approach marks a departure from the inclusivity observed in the past, such as during President Habyarimana’s regime, when the Catholic Church was led by a Tutsi clergyman named Aloys Bigirumwami.

In ancient Rwanda, blacksmiths held a revered and vital role within society. Their significance stemmed from their technological advancements, crafting essential tools like spears for the army, hoes for agriculture, and swords for protection. In a predominantly agrarian society, blacksmiths were crucial members, serving both the Abahinza and the Abami as artisans. Their primary responsibilities included producing spears and hoes for the King, reflecting their integral role in the kingdom’s functioning. The art of blacksmithing had a profound history across Africa, with well-balanced throwing knives even serving as a form of currency. This skill arrived in Rwanda through the Bantu migration, becoming an enduring part of Rwandan heritage. The accompanying photo depicts a Rwandan blacksmith employing traditional cow-skin ventilators to maintain the necessary heat in his workshop, offering a glimpse into the rich cultural traditions of the craft.

Abahinza Kingdoms

Upon their arrival in Rwanda, the Tutsis encountered thriving Hutu kingdoms where both Hutus and Twas coexisted harmoniously. However, intermarriage between Hutus and Twas was relatively rare due to their distinct lifestyles, which limited interactions. Twas, as skilled hunter-gatherers, preferred the forested environments, while Hutus were engaged in farming and had developed their own civilization, boasting craftsmanship, blacksmithing skills, and their unique religion centered around Gihanga and Ryangombe. Twas were also known for their expertise in pottery. As the Tutsis were welcomed into Rwanda with their cattle by both Hutus and Twas, they were integrated into the Hutu communities governed and led by Abahinza. This integration resulted in the development of a symbiotic relationship, akin to mutualism or syntropy (Reardon & Snauwaert, 2015). Hutus tended to their farms and shared the food produced with both Twas and Tutsis. Tutsis, in turn, shared milk, ghee, and butter from their cattle. Meanwhile, the Twas provided wild meat, wild honey, and offered protection against wild animals like lions and elephants, safeguarding both Hutus’ crops and Tutsis’ livestock. For several centuries, these three groups coexisted peacefully and prospered under the leadership of Umuhinza, who owned the land (Gasanabo, 2006; Childress, S. E., 2015).

Upon their arrival in Rwanda, the Tutsis were captivated by the stark contrast between the Hutus’ settled, sedentary lifestyle and their own nomadic existence, perpetually on the move in search of greener pastures for their cattle. From the perspective of the Tutsis, who prioritized the well-being of their livestock and embraced constant migration, the intricately structured governance system they encountered among the Hutus was nothing short of remarkable. They grappled with the complexity of a system where individuals managed their own affairs while also bearing responsibility for the collective welfare of the community, diligently tending to their farms, accumulating wealth, and simultaneously paying homage to the Umuhinza (Hutu king). Over centuries, the Hutus had established stable settlements, embraced agriculture, and developed judicial and governance systems that promoted harmonious coexistence among their people, the natural world, and their supreme creator, God, on a spiritual level.

The Tutsis were profoundly intrigued by the enduring influence of the African Ubuntu Philosophy that underpinned every facet of Hutu society, spanning socioeconomic, political, and spiritual domains. This philosophy epitomized the spirit of communal effort for the common good, encapsulated in the practice of “Ubudehe.” Ubudehe was a cultural value of mutual assistance among the Hutu people, uniting the community in agricultural endeavors to ensure timely farming operations before the long rains, ultimately contributing to food security (Niringiye & Ayebale, 2012). Within this ethos of mutual support, the Hutus fostered a robust and sustainable judicial system rooted in Ubuntu principles, emphasizing restoration over retribution. This unique approach saw victims not as pariahs but as individuals with valuable relationships, offering them an opportunity to atone, reform, and reintegrate into society for the collective welfare (Gade, 2017; Madlome & Chauke, 2019; Nagel, 2022). The Indigenous Hutu judicial system, firmly anchored in Ubuntu philosophy, epitomized the essence of restorative justice. It sought to hold offenders accountable for their actions, nurture their understanding of the harm inflicted upon their clansmen, grant them a second chance at redemption, and deter them from causing further harm to their cherished society (Louw, 2007; Omale, 2006; Menkel-Meadow, 2007; Johnstone & Van Ness, 2013; Schoeman, 2013). This Hutu judicial approach was a testament and a stark contrast to the Tutsis’ nomadic judicial system, which revolved around vengeance and punitive justice as a means of survival (Johnson, 1993).

Over the passing centuries, the Tutsis remained deeply impressed by the successful Abahinza governance system. Of particular interest to them was the intricate process by which Hutus selected the next Umuhinza to rule their kingdom. They discovered that upon the birth of a potential Umuhinza, a spiritual priest conducted various rituals, one of which involved placing specific traditional seeds in the infant’s fists. These seeds symbolized the prosperity of the Hutu kingdoms, rooted in their agricultural activities. The four essential seeds included Uburo (millet), Isogi (African spiderflower), Inzuzi (pumpkin seed), and Amasaka (sorghum), all of which played a pivotal role in Hutu agricultural prosperity. Consequently, being part of the Hutu traditional king-crowning ceremonies was a great honor. Following birth, the Umuhinza assumed the role of king, co-ruling alongside his mother, the queen mother, and her brothers, forming an informal kitchen cabinet. This cabinet governed until the Umuhinza reached seven years of age, and its members played a vital role in shaping the success of the Umuhinza’s reign and determining his potential successors. Intrigued by this governance system, the Tutsis, who were more accustomed to a nomadic lifestyle, dedicated years to studying the “Hinza” or “Ubuhinza” system with the ultimate goal of infiltrating and replacing it, thereby dismantling the Hutu traditional structure.

In this photograph, we witness Rwandans engaged in farming activities within what is known as Ubudehe. Traditionally, Ubudehe was established by the Abahinza rulers in ancient Rwanda to foster a sense of unity and collective effort among the people, particularly in the context of agriculture. It aimed to encourage mutual support within the community, especially in preparing for the planting season. However, in contemporary Rwanda, Ubudehe has been co-opted by the current Kagame regime, transforming it into a mechanism for extracting free labor from citizens to serve the interests of select Tutsi elites within the military and government. Citizens are often coerced into providing this labor, and in the photo, you can observe a police presence on the far right, highlighting the lack of voluntary participation. Such compelled labor practices are reminiscent of apartheid systems and raise concerns about individual freedoms and rights.

In this photograph, we witness a Tutsi king being carried by his subjects, a stark symbol of a historical era marked by profound societal changes and oppression. Following the overthrow of the Abahinza rulers in southern Rwanda during the 14th century, the Tutsi monarchy introduced an apartheid system that subjected Hutus to brutal treatment after massacring them. Among the many oppressive policies implemented, one was the practice of carrying the Tutsi king throughout the country for extended periods, regardless of the location of his subjects. Those who displayed signs of exhaustion or weariness during this arduous task were subjected to brutal violence. Unlike the Abahinza kings, who considered their people as relatives and did not impose such harsh treatment, the Tutsi rulers were foreigners who governed over conquered Hutu populations, viewing them as slaves. Unfortunately, echoes of such treatment persist in the modern era, exemplified by practices like the forced labor of Hutu youth on Iwawa Island under the Kagame regime, raising concerns about the preservation of individual rights and freedoms.

Political Maneuver

Over time, a profound understanding gradually unfurled among the Tutsis, casting light upon the intricate tapestry of governance within their society. From birth, it became increasingly apparent that the Umuhinza, their paramount leader, bore the weight of rulership in tandem with his mother and maternal uncles. Simultaneously, the role of the Umuhinza’s wife acquired an aura of profound significance as she gracefully assumed the esteemed positions of queen and spiritual priestess. This harmonious tradition of power transition was further cemented by the seamless transfer of authority from one Umuhinza to the next, with each son inheriting not only the throne but also a council of advisors meticulously selected from his maternal uncles. It was this revelation, that the Umuhinza’s advisors hailed from the maternal lineage, that ignited an unwavering resolve within the Tutsi elders. They were driven by the strategic imperative to ascend to power with minimal bloodshed, acutely aware of their minority status in the context of the predominantly Hutu-dominated kingdoms, pursuing a path of strategic finesse and subtlety in their quest for influence and authority (Giles, 2001; McNeilly, 2003).

The Tutsis conducted a meticulous examination of Hutu policies within the Abahinza kingdoms, recognizing that a strategic approach was necessary for their quest for power. Drawing inspiration from historical precedents in ancient kingdoms, the Tutsis perceived that employing their women as conduits to access the inner workings of the Abahinza palace would be a less perilous yet potentially enduring strategy. Concurrently, the Tutsi elders adopted principles akin to those of the ancient Chinese military strategist Sun Tzu, elucidated in his seminal work, “The Art of War.” This strategic doctrine emphasized key principles, notably “Avoid Strength, Attack Weakness,” and “Striking Where the Enemy is Most Vulnerable” (Tzu, 2008).

The Tutsi elders were acutely aware of the necessity for a subtler approach, given their minority status in the predominantly Hutu-dominated kingdoms. They recognized that the key to their long-term aspirations lay in forging marriage alliances. Their strategy revolved around the idea that if one of their daughters could secure a marriage with a future Umuhinza, the ensuing generations would pave the way for the emergence of a pure Tutsi Umuhinza lineage. Ultimately, this would open the door for a Tutsi leader to ascend to power within the Hutu kingdom, effectively bringing an end to Hutu Abahinza rule without the need for extensive Tutsi bloodshed (Braud, 2005).

Esperance Mukashema, a courageous Tutsi survivor of the Rwandan Genocide, sadly passed away in 2021. While her official cause of death is attributed to COVID-19, suspicions linger of potential links to the Kigali regime, which has been targeting its critics in diaspora. Mukashema’s unwavering commitment to truth, reconciliation, and justice earned her the mane “Mama Rwanda” and the Victoire Ingabire Peace Prize. She shed light on the crimes committed by General Paul Kagame’s (RPF). She also lost her 8-year-old son, Sheja, who, in 1994, was killed by Tutsi rebels alongside several Hutu clergymen.

Upon an extensive examination of Abahinza policies within their territories, the Tutsi elders astutely uncovered a series of loopholes in the system. These policies mandated that all residents of the Abahinza kingdoms contribute a prestation to the Umuhinza king, contingent upon their possessions or socioeconomic activities. Hutus dutifully supplied agricultural produce, which notably included the revered traditional brew known as “Inkangaza” – a sorghum beer exquisitely fermented with honey. Tutsis, in their contributions, presented milk and ghee, while the Twas offered the bounty of wild game meat and untamed honey (Eltringham, 2004; Olivier & Olivier, 2013; Korman, 2014).

At this critical juncture, the Tutsi elders displayed a keen ability to identify a pivotal opportunity. They astutely recognized the potential advantages that would come with securing access to the Abahinza court, prompting them to craft an ingenious stratagem. Their plan centered around the seemingly innocuous request presented to the Abahinza kings: the deployment of some of their teenage girls to serve within the Abahinza court, specifically entrusted with the art of producing cultured milk and ghee for the Umuhinza’s esteemed court. Astoundingly, this seemingly minor concession was granted without the Abahinza fully comprehending the subtle yet profound motives concealed beneath the surface of this request. Little did they know that this discreet maneuver would not only prove instrumental in the execution of the Tutsi elders’ grand strategy but would also go on to shape the course of Rwanda’s history to this very day (Giles, 2001).

Within the hallowed halls of the Abahinza court, Tutsi girls embarked on a mission of paramount significance: to captivate the hearts of future Abahinza rulers. Their mandate was crystal clear, their mission, a linchpin for the future of the Tutsi people, rested on their ability to carve a path to influence and ascendancy in Rwanda. This directive laid the foundation for a watershed moment in the 12th century when a Hutu prince, boldly challenging deeply entrenched traditions that staunchly forbade intermarriage between Hutus and foreigners, dared to defy the status quo. Established customs dictated that the Abahinza and their progeny could only take spouses from specific clans within the Hutu community. However, this prince, lacking insight into the hidden motives behind the Tutsi girl’s desires and driven by a reckless determination, unabashedly declared his profound love for her, oblivious to the implications of his actions. He adamantly demanded her hand in marriage, brazenly disregarding longstanding traditions that expressly prohibited such unions, particularly for royalty. His unyielding resolve was unwavering, even extending to a shocking ultimatum of self-harm if their union was not solemnized by the Abahinza council, comprised of custodians of tradition and values. This extraordinary circumstance compelled the Abahinza council and venerable traditional leaders to convene a momentous gathering. Acknowledging the prince as the sole heir and symbol of continuity for the kingdom, they arrived at a groundbreaking decision, one that would forever reshape the course of Rwanda’s history. They chose to adapt their time-honored customs to accommodate the prince’s desire and thereby permit new marriages between Hutus and Tutsis. This momentous decision marked a profound turning point in Rwanda’s history (Gassel, 1968; Belcher, 1999; Kagame, 1959; Ndizera, Nkaka & Kambanda, 2022).

Kigeli IV Rwabugiri (1840? – November 1895), a Tutsi king of the Kingdom of Rwanda in the mid-nineteenth century, left a dark legacy of brutality and oppression against the Hutus, aided by white Europeans. He was the first Rwandan king to have contact with Europeans, leading to a shift in power dynamics. The Germans supplied Rwabugiri with modern weapons, which he used, often with European support, to attack the unconquered Abahinza Hutu kingdoms. Some Europeans viewed Hutus as inferior, elevating Tutsis based on physical characteristics. Rwabugiri’s rule from 1853 to 1895 established a standardized administrative structure in Rwanda, controlled by Tutsi chiefs. This system oppressed Hutus with the help of Tutsi kingdoms. Despite resistance, predominantly Tutsi chiefs at higher levels intensified Hutu oppression. Rwabugiri’s reign ended tragically when he died in modern-day Congo in November 1895, after the arrival of German explorer Count Gustav Adolf von Götzen. His brutal legacy, fueled by firearms, resulted in the massacre of many Hutus, making him one of Rwanda’s most brutal kings.

In this photo, we see King Yuhi V Musinga and his mother, Nyirayuhi V, Kanjogera. Kanjogera, during Kigeli IV’s reign in Rwanda, was known for her cruel rule and horrific rituals to maintain power. One of the most chilling aspects was the ritualistic killing of Hutu infants, a testament to her extreme cruelty. The royal authority symbol, the kalinga, a sacred drum, displayed her ruthlessness with the genitals of executed Hutu enemies. Kanjogera didn’t spare Tutsis from the Nyiginya clan either. After Kigeli IV’s death, his son Rutalindwa ascended to the throne, but his queen mother was Kanjogera, not his biological mother. Rutalindwa’s birth mother belonged to the Abakono clan, while Kanjogera came from the Bega clan. The Nyiginya Clan, to which both mwamis belonged, weakened, leading to a coup orchestrated by Kanjogera and her brother, Kabare. Rutalindwa was assassinated, and Kanjogera’s son, Musinga, became Yuhi V Musinga. This era marked the onset of German colonial influence, as they supported the royal forces. Kanjogera’s reign remains one of Rwanda’s darkest chapters. It’s worth noting that Jeannette Kagame, the current first lady of Rwanda, is occasionally compared to modern incarnations of Kanjogera due to her lineage, as both she and her husband, Paul Kagame, descend from the prestigious Abega lineage, with Kagame being a direct descendant of one of Kanjogera’s brothers

The End of Abahinza Kingdoms

Amidst their daughters’ unions with Abahinza families, the Tutsi elders held a flicker of hope for the birth of a groundbreaking figure, the first “HuTsi” to emerge from interethnic marriages between Hutus and Tutsis. These offspring, bestowed with the unique label of “HuTsi,” were seen as potential catalysts for change, destined to ascend as Umuhinza in the Hutuland. The Tutsi elders envisioned a future where they could subtly influence their daughters to bear children fathered by other Tutsis, thus methodically purifying their bloodline. This calculated approach aimed to pave the way for an uncompromised Tutsi to rise to power in Hutuland. The Tutsi elders exercised unwavering patience as they awaited the gradual realization of their grand design to wrest control entirely from the Abahinza. Across successive generations, the Tutsis meticulously executed a methodical process of blood purification, all in preparation for the eventual ascent of a pure Tutsi Umuhinza. When this moment finally arrived, they were well-prepared to orchestrate a violent overthrow of the Abahinza, culminating in their massacre and the triumphant rise of the Tutsi monarchy in the 14th century, a transformation catalyzed by the ascension of King Kigeli I Mukobanya in the late 14th century, marking the establishment of a Tutsi monarchy in Gasabo (Rennie, 1972; Rusagara, 2003; Bamurangirwa, 2013).

With the ascent of King Kigeli I Mukobanya (1378–1418), the destiny of Abahinza kings in central Rwanda was sealed, as he ruthlessly dismantled Hutu leadership, adopting the title of “Umwami,” a move reminiscent of General Paul Kagame’s actions upon seizing power in 1994. Kagame’s rise to power saw the assassination of two Hutu presidents, Habyarimana Juvenal of Rwanda and Ntaryamira Cyprian of Burundi. Much like Kagame, King Kigeli I also embarked on renaming Hutu kingdoms in Gasabo and its surroundings, collectively branding them as “Rwanda,” a strategy aimed at erasing the historical legacy of Hutu civilizations. Kagame’s regime employed similar tactics by renaming regions in Rwanda and altering administrative divisions to erase Hutu history following the Tutsi monarchy’s rule. King Kigeli’s oppressive actions against the Abahinza and their families led to widespread violence, which included public male castration necessitating intervention from King Cwamali, the Omukama of Bunyoro in Uganda, who sought to quell the bloodshed, particularly in Gasabo (modern-day Kigali). Subsequently, King Kigeli I Mukobanya and his son, Sekarongoro I Mutabazi, fled Kigali, initiating a four-century-long era of Tutsi rule over the Hutus marked by extreme brutality, including public castrations of defiant Hutus, primarily in the southern Rwandan territories (Rennie, 1972; Rwirahira, 2011). This was the beginning of Hutu-Hutu hatred that has endured to this day. In the northern regions, Hutu Abahinza kingdoms persisted until European intervention around 1900 AD, aiding Tutsi kings in conquering the northern territories. This Tutsi monarchy endured until 1959 when a Hutu-led revolution brought transformative changes to Rwanda (Newbury, 2001; Magnarella, 2005; Bentrovato, 2016; Weerdesteijn, 2023).

The events that have unfolded in Rwanda since October 1, 1990, bear profound historical roots, stretching back to the 13th century when the Tutsi seized power by assassinating the Abahinza. They also resonate with the events of December 1896 when Kanjogera and her brothers orchestrated a coup to replace King Mibambwe IV. The Tutsi rebel attacks on Rwanda in October 1, 1990, and the subsequent assassinations of two Hutu presidents on April 6, 1994, carried out by Tutsi rebels, are not isolated incidents; rather, they are a stark reflection of Rwanda’s enduring historical struggles and the unrelenting pursuit of power at any cost. It comes as no surprise, given that General Paul Kagame, the leader of these rebels, is a direct descendant of King Yuhi V Musinga and his mother Nyirayuhi V Kanjogera, historical figures known for their brutality (Singiza, 2011; Watkins & Jessee, 2020).

As I started saying that this historical animosity coulld have been solved by the church of Christ. It was the right place for a church in a country where Christianity counts more than 80% of Rwandans, the church would have been a source of genuine reconciliation. However whether in the past or in the present Rwanda, most of the church leadership in Rwanda is leading the church not because it is a religious vocation but an easy way to feed htemselves nad be closer ot the leadership clique and win business contracts and deal with the government as its cadres to promote divisive ideologies to maintain their favorite rulership in power. That is why Rwandans continue to hate each other based on their cultural built phyisical characteristics which have no religious or scientific backing.

Providing this historical context is essential, especially for readers unfamiliar with Rwanda and its intricate history. It serves as a crucial foundation, enabling them to grasp the complex interplay of social, economic, and political factors that have influenced Rwanda’s course since its inception in the 4th century. This historical backdrop offers invaluable insights into the intricate dynamics that not only ignited tensions among Rwanda’s people but also fueled the subsequent violent conflicts between the Hutus and Tutsis. Understanding this historical context is vital for a comprehensive understanding of Rwanda’s multifaceted story. Moreover, it highlights the importance of reevaluating the history of Rwanda to establish a just and inclusive society, free from the constraints of regimes that manipulate social constructs to maintain their grip on power, ensuring that everyone feels an integral part of the Rwandan community.

The current Rwandan regime, drawing inspiration from the oppressive philosophy of the old Rwandan Tutsi monarchy, has meticulously implemented mechanisms to ensure the perpetuation of this ideology. They have entrenched an apartheid-like governance strategy that extends its reach across all sectors of Rwandan leadership, encompassing political, financial, military, and social systems. This approach prioritizes the placement of their loyalists, puppets, and tribal affiliates in key leadership positions, irrespective of their qualifications. Notably, in Rwanda, the military leadership is overwhelmingly occupied by Tutsis, who constitute only 14% of the population. This pattern is replicated within the banking and financial systems, political sphere, and even extends to seemingly unrelated areas like the Miss Rwanda competition. Unfortunately, this divisive mindset has infiltrated the church as well, with over 90% of church leadership positions held by Tutsis. Shockingly, funds collected for religious purposes, such as offerings and tithes, are redirected by the church leadership to the accounts of RPF-affiliated financial institutions like Crystal Ventures, ultimately serving to bolster the regime’s grip on power. This financial support is then utilized for purposes ranging from procuring weaponry to hiring lobbyists, all aimed at maintaining the regime’s authority. Any religious institution that adopts such a dark and self-serving perspective is far removed from serving the higher purpose of the Kingdom of Heaven.

When General Paul Kagame and the RPF Tutsi forces, with Kagame himself having received training at the United States Army Command and General Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, invaded Rwanda, their objectives were not aligned with bringing democracy to the country, contrary to the assertions of their Western backers, including figures like Bill Clinton. Rather, Kagame’s primary goal was to restore the Tutsi monarchy that his parents had lost in the Hutu revolution of 1959. It’s important to note the historical lineage, as Paul Kagame is directly descended from one of Kanjogera’s brothers, which has symbolic significance in this context.

In this military photo, a glaring contrast is evident: every person present, including the president, belongs to the Tutsi ethnicity. This starkly departs from Rwanda’s historical demographic composition, where Hutus have consistently formed the majority, making up over 85% of the population since the country’s establishment. However, since General Paul Kagame’s RPF assumed power in 1994, aided by the USA and the UK, a significant shift has occurred in Rwanda’s political and military landscape. Despite the dominant Hutu majority, nearly 90% of key military and political positions are now held by Tutsis, who constitute just 14% of the population. This stark imbalance prompts questions about the role of the United States, the primary financial supporter of the Rwandan government, and its backing of a regime that many see as akin to apartheid. It raises concerns about how a nation known for its democratic principles can support a regime accused of oppressing the majority and undermining democracy and the rule of law.

The present state of the church in Rwanda carries the heavy burden of a painful history, notably marked by the tragic events of the “Gakurazo Massacre” in 1994. This dark chapter unfolded on June 5th of that year in Gakurazo, where Hutu bishops and religious leaders became victims of brutal violence at the hands of Tutsi rebels. The victims included Bishop Joseph Ruzindana of Byumba (North), Bishop Thaddée Nsengiyumva of Kabgayi (Center), and Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva of Kigali, who also served as the President of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Rwanda. These horrific killings left an indelible scar on Rwanda’s religious landscape. For those who support Kagame’s regime, they may argue that the Hutu bishops were massacred as revenge for the killings carried out by the Interahamwe. However, it’s important to note that among those killed on that fateful day were also Tutsis, such as 8-year-old Sheja. It cannot be denied that Sheja’s Tutsi heritage was known because his mother was a well-known Tutsi businesswoman in Rwanda, who may have either directly or indirectly supported the RPF in its fundraising campaigns in the early 1990s. Nevertheless, the RPF, in an act of sheer brutality, proceeded to massacre this child alongside the clergymen, solely because they were Hutus. This tragic event serves as a grim reminder of the indiscriminate violence and suffering endured by innocent individuals in the midst of Rwanda’s tumultuous history.

Mama Sheja, also known as Espérance Mukashema, stands as a crucial eyewitness to the horrifying events that unfolded on that fateful day when her 8-year-old Tutsi child was mercilessly murdered alongside Hutu bishops by the RPF. She holds tangible evidence of the tragic occurrence as she was a firsthand witness to the massacre. In her numerous testimonies given over the past few years on various media outlets, including Ikondera Info Radio, Mukashema has asserted her knowledge of the individuals responsible for this heinous act and those who issued the orders. She boldly proclaims that the directives for the extermination of clergy members trace back to none other than General Paul Kagame, the current President of Rwanda.

Mukashema, a Tutsi survivor who initially sought refuge in Uganda before finding a new home in the Netherlands, shared her heart-wrenching testimony to ensure that all Rwandans know the truth about what happened to their Bishops in 1994. The victims of the Gakurazo Massacre included several ecclesiastics, comprising three bishops (Bishop Joseph Ruzindana of Byumba, Bishop Thaddée Nsengiyumva of Kabgayi, Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva of Kigali, who was also the President of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Rwanda), nine priests, one Brother, and two civilians—all of whom met a cruel fate at the hands of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). Tragically, among these victims was an innocent 8-year-old boy named Richard Sheja, who happened to be Mukashema’s beloved son. Her courageous testimony shines a light on the painful truths of Rwanda’s history and the alarming recurrence of such events.

In this photo, we see a group of clergymen from Rwanda before the tragic events of 1994. On June 5th of that year, a horrifying incident unfolded in Gakurazo as Bishop Joseph Ruzindana of Byumba (North), Bishop Thaddée Nsengiyumva of Kabgayi (Center), Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva of Kigali, who also held the position of President of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Rwanda, along with several other religious leaders, were brutally murdered. It has been suggested that the orders for these bishops’ murders originated from the current Rwandan President, Paul Kagame, with the aim of eliminating Hutu clergymen. This act was seen as a means to clear the path for the RPF’s ascent to power, allowing Tutsi clergymen to assume leadership positions within the country’s religious institutions. This strategic move may have been driven by the substantial financial support the RPF receives from church institutions and the role these institutions play in facilitating intelligence collection activities, both within Rwanda and internationally.

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DR. WILLIAM

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Dr. William A. Twayigize

DR. WILLIAM